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加州尝试重新划分选区以影响国会席位
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文章探讨了加利福尼亚州州长和立法机构试图通过重新划分国会选区来影响美国众议院席位分配的举动。作者分析了此举可能对特朗普权力巩固的影响,指出如果共和党继续掌控国会,特朗普将更容易集权;而民主党若能赢得众议院多数席位,则将迫使共和党进行谈判,或限制特朗普的行动。文章强调,无论哪一方进行选区划分(gerrymandering),都会损害民主制度,削弱选民的代表性,并降低众议院的合法性。此外,文章还指出,这种行为可能导致选票的价值降低,并可能引发其他州效仿。作者认为,加州的这一举动是对德克萨斯州共和党增设席位的报复性回应,其影响范围和持续时间均有限。

⚖️ 加州正在进行国会选区重新划分,旨在增加民主党代表席位,此举被视为对德克萨斯州共和党增设席位的一种回应。这种行为可能影响特朗普的权力格局,若共和党继续掌权,其集权之路将更顺畅;若民主党赢得众议院多数,则将限制特朗普的行动空间。

🏛️ 文章认为,选区划分(gerrymandering)行为损害了民主制度的根基。它将选民的决策权转移给州立法者,削弱了选民与美国众议员之间的直接联系,降低了众议院的合法性,并可能导致部分选民感到自己的投票权被剥夺。

📈 选区划分不仅可能导致政党在国会中获得不成比例的多数席位,理论上甚至可能让少数党在赢得全国普选票的情况下仍能获得国会多数。此外,这种行为还可能加剧党派间的对立和不信任感,甚至在极端情况下引发对选举结果合法性的质疑。

⚖️ 文章指出,虽然存在反对选区划分的规范,但许多州仍由立法机构直接划分选区,导致 gerrymandering 普遍存在。加州的此次行动有其特定的时间限制(至2030年),并仅限于国会选区,显示出其策略性和有限性,但这种行为可能引发连锁反应,鼓励其他州效仿。

Published on November 5, 2025 2:46 AM GMT

The governor and legislature of California are trying to gerrymander the U.S. House of Representatives districts in the state. For background, see this article on 2025–2026 United States redistricting. See also GradientDissenter's strategic analysis. Below is my own attempt at an analysis.

Gerrymandering would hinder Trump from gathering power.

If the Republican party maintains majorities in both houses after the midterm elections, Trump will continue to consolidate power easily. A Republican-majority congress could pass laws that give Trump more power to do the things that he wants.

On the other hand, if the Democrats get a majority in the House, the Republicans will have to negotiate with them, or wait for an emergency to get them on board; or else Trump will have to work within existing laws, or break the law. Reducing Trump's set of options will slow him down, which limits the amount of damage he can do.

If both sides gerrymander, democracy suffers.

Gerrymandering is bad for the same reasons democracy is good.

When a state legislature redraws congressional districts to favor a particlar party, it takes agency away from the voters and gives it to the state legislators. More precisely, this attenuates the causal chain (voter → U.S. representative) and strengthens the chain (voter → CA legislator → district boundaries → U.S. representative). This decreases the legitimacy of the U.S. House of Representatives, because democratic oversight is less direct, and state politicians have more power over who is elected.

In particular, gerrymandering now would somewhat delegitimize the midterm election from the perspective of disenfranchised Republican voters in formerly red districts. I can't predict what concrete effects this would have, but I could maybe imagine, for example, the Trump administration ordering federal agents or soldiers in California to jail Democratic representatives, if those agents felt those representatives really weren't legitimate.

I can think of a couple other ways gerrymandering is bad for democracy: Gerrymandering decreases the number of votes required to support an atrocity. (Theoretically, a party could get a majority in the House with 25% of the popular vote.) And maybe gerrymandering tends to give parties larger majorities in the House.

There are weak norms against gerrymandering.

Most states don't have an independent redistricting commission. Instead, districts are usually drawn directly by the legislature, so we should expect lots of gerrymandering.

Indeed, see wikipedia for examples of gerrymandered districts from recent history. The Gerrymandering Project tries to measure the partisan bias of all the districts in the country; but it doesn't tell us whether those biases were achieved on purpose or by accident.

There are federal laws that limit gerrymandering to some extent. See here for some recent lawsuits.

The escalation

California's gerrymandering plan is narrowly scoped to retaliate against Texas's:

Other red states gerrymandered along with Texas. Virginia (blue) might gerrymander in retaliation to North Carolina (red). California's gerrymandering might inspire the Trump administration to try to get more red states to gerrymander. But keep in mind that California is the biggest state, and not all states are willing or able to do this.

Other concerns

I'll briefly mention some weaker considerations I read or thought of, before synthesizing the above considerations.

Gerrymandering would be unfair to red voters in newly-blue districts. Specifically, it would reduce the power of their vote and give it to their blue neighbors. It wouldn't affect their influence over policies in their district, which is determined by the state government. And their lessened influence over federal policies is balanced by the red gerrymandering in Texas. If I had to pinpoint the unfairness here, it would be in the intersection of partisan and regional politics, like the flavor of pork. That doesn't seem that important to me.

Some proponents of California's gerrymandering plan say the proposed maps are good. But the properties of the maps aren't what's strategically or ethically important here. What's important is that the maps were chosen in order to produce 5 more Democratic representatives.

Instead of gerrymandering, the California Democratic Party could try to field conservative candidates in red districts, thus providing representatives that voters like and who aren't beholden to the Trump administration. Maybe they should do this, but it's an independent decision from whether to gerrymander.

Synthesis

From the standpoint of the Democratic side, if the 2026 election doesn't go well, there might not be a meaningful election in 2028. That makes it matter a lot, but doesn't by itself tell us the right thing to do.

From the standpoint of individual citizens, gerrymandering is a somewhat common political tool that also damages the institutions that protect citizens. It's better if no one gerrymanders.

Gerrymandering is considered bad, but some amount of it happens.

From the standpoint of the citizens of one state among many, a good thing to do is to gerrymander less than the other states — California's independent redistricting commission has been a good example of this.

From the standpoint of citizens supporting one political party, the thing to do is to reward good districting with good districting, and punish gerrymandering with gerrymandering, in such a way that the equilibrium (if the other party behaved similarly) is no gerrymandering. California's proposal is a good example of this.



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选区划分 gerrymandering 加州政治 美国众议院 民主制度 特朗普 国会选举 Redistricting California Politics U.S. House of Representatives Democracy Donald Trump Congressional Elections
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