Astral Codex Ten 10月10日 21:33
关于“法西斯”称谓与政治暴力的讨论
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文章探讨了“法西斯”一词在当代政治语境中的使用及其与政治暴力之间的复杂关系。作者指出,在“许多美国人是法西斯”、“法西斯是政治暴力的可接受目标”和“美国当前的政治暴力不可接受”这三者之间,至少有一项不成立。作者认为,尽管法西斯主义是邪恶的意识形态,但不应自动将其视为政治暴力的合法目标,并强调了政治暴力可能带来的滑坡效应。文章还讨论了使用“法西斯”一词的界限及其可能带来的负面影响,并呼吁在讨论中保持清晰的逻辑和审慎的态度。

⚖️ **“法西斯”称谓的模糊性与政治暴力关联的危险性**:文章核心观点在于,将“法西斯”一词随意用于政治攻击,并将其与政治暴力的可接受性挂钩,存在逻辑上的困境。作者指出,虽然法西斯主义本身是极其邪恶的,但将特定人群标记为“法西斯”并以此作为政治暴力的理由,可能导致“滑坡效应”,使得界限模糊,难以界定何时何地可以诉诸暴力。作者认为,即便承认法西斯主义的危害,也不应轻易将其视为政治暴力的自动合法化依据。

📉 **政治暴力界限的挑战与“滑坡效应”警示**:文章深入探讨了政治暴力界限的设定难题。作者引用了历史和现实中的例子,说明“为革命而战”的界限设定非常困难,容易陷入“蛙煮”效应,即情况逐渐恶化但难以找到明确的“临界点”。文章强调,尽管革命有时是必要的,但设定清晰的界限至关重要,否则可能导致不可控的暴力蔓延,破坏社会稳定。作者倾向于不轻易将政治暴力合法化,尤其是在“法西斯”这一标签定义模糊不清的情况下。

🗣️ **词语使用的审慎性与避免“妖魔化”**:作者呼吁在政治讨论中审慎使用“法西斯”等带有强烈负面色彩的词语。文章提到,词语的内涵和外延会随着使用而变化,可能从字面意义滑向“可以被攻击”的含义。作者认为,即便不认同某些政治观点,也应避免使用模糊且易被曲解的标签来“妖魔化”对方,这不利于健康的政治对话,并可能被滥用为压制异见的工具。作者个人选择尽量避免使用该词,以示对词语使用的审慎态度。

⚖️ **对“斯托卡斯蒂克恐怖主义”论的批判**:文章间接批判了将批评言论与暴力事件归因的“斯托卡斯蒂克恐怖主义”论调。作者认为,批评他人是坏人或坏事是言论自由的一部分,不应因此承担暴力发生的责任。这种论调容易被权力滥用,成为压制批评的工具。文章强调,保护说出“某人非常坏”的权利至关重要,因为现实中确实存在许多坏人,而对这种批评的压制反而可能导致权力不受约束。

The following three things can’t all be true simultaneously:

    Many Americans are fascists

    Fascists are an acceptable target for political violence

    Political violence in America is unacceptable (at the current time)

I thought about this while following the Twitter spat between Democratic hopeful Gavin Newsom and Trump advisor Stephen Miller. Newsom called Miller fascist; Miller accused this of being a call to violence which placed “a target” on him.

Miller is hardly sympathetic here - he’s called people fascist himself in the past, and later suggested Newsom should be arrested for his speech (if only there were a word to describe the sort of person who supports that kind of thing…)

Still, I found myself able to see things from both perspectives.

From Newsom’s perspective: Miller subscribes to some type of far-right nationalism. And fascism is a type of far-right nationalism. Whether or not these are the exact same type of far-right nationalism is a taxonomic argument, much like whether some particular long slimy toothy fish should be classified as an eel. Not every long slimy toothy fish is necessarily an eel, but it seems unwise to pre-emptively rule out the possibility.

From Miller’s perspective: people absolutely use “fascist” as a synonym for “person who it is acceptable to hurt because of their politics”. The signature of a mod on a bulletin board I used to frequent - back in the days of bulletin boards, mods, and signatures - was “If I can shoot rabbits, then I can shoot fascists” - an apocryphal Spanish Civil War quote popularized by a hit rock song. A popular left-wing t-shirt, cap, and protest sign is “Make Fascists Afraid Again”.

From the clenched fist, I gather that they’re not just afraid of losing elections.

When Woodie Guthrie famously wrote on his guitar that “This machine kills fascists” - a sentiment imitated and snowcloned by later generations of musicians and commentators - nobody worried this was a bad thing. Nobody demanded that somebody stop the machine before it killed again.

If Anyone Builds It (Woody Guthrie’s guitar), Everyone (fascists) Dies.

There’s no number of examples I could give which would absolutely prove I’m not cherry-picking. But I think it’s suggestive that even people who argue against casually killing fascists have to disclaim that they’re certainly not opposing all violence against fascists - just against jumping straight to murder before other forms of violence have been tried. Besides that, I can only appeal to a hope that you’ve experienced the same cultural currents that I have, and that this seems obviously true to you.

I’m not trying to normalize fascism, or claim that it isn’t extremely evil (I think it is, see here for more). I’m only saying, again, as a matter of basic logic, that the following things can’t all be true:

    Many Americans are fascists

    Fascists are an acceptable target for political violence

    Political violence in America is unacceptable (at the current time)

And I don’t want to abandon 1, because it seems like a factual claim that might be true - even if you don’t think it’s true now, it obviously has the potential to be true in the future - and we shouldn’t ban people from asserting true claims.

And I don’t want to abandon 3, because political violence is extremely bad, the norm against it is the only thing restraining us from various forms of smoldering or overt civil war, and we’re still doing pretty well by the standards of most times and places.

So I think the natural conclusion is to abandon 2: fascists, although evil, aren’t automatically a legitimate target for political violence.

The strongest objection is a slippery slope argument: political violence will always be inconvenient; it will always be tempting to put it off until some further red line is crossed. But if we always give into that impulse, nobody will ever resist dictatorship or start a revolution against an unjust government. Isn’t the tree of liberty naturally “fertilized with the blood of tyrants”?

There’s no simple answer to this concern. Nicholas Decker, who considers this question more thoughtfully than most, concludes that:

Your threshold may differ from mine, but you must have one. If the present administration should cancel elections; if it should engage in fraud in the electoral process; if it should suppress the speech of its opponents, and jail its political adversaries; if it ignores the will of Congress; if it should directly spurn the orders of the court; all these are reasons for revolution. It may be best to stave off, and wait for elections to throw out this scourge; but if it should threaten the ability to remove it, we shall have no choice.

But all of these are their own sorts of slippery slopes. Suppress the speech of their opponents? Should the Republicans have started a civil war when Democrats got social media to do woke content moderation? Ignore the will of Congress? Should Democrats have started a civil war when Trump refused to fund PEPFAR even after Congress allocated the money? Prosecute political opponents? Should the Republicans have started a civil war when New York prosecuted Trump for Stormy Daniels? Should the Democrats start one now that Trump is prosecuting James Comey for perjury? No particular form of any of these things ever feels like the cosmically significant version of these things where assassinations and armed uprisings become acceptable. But would-be dictators are masters of boundary-pushing and frog-boiling; there’s almost never one moment when they say outright “Today I will be cancelling democracy for no reason, sorry”.

I used to think that my bright line was contempt of the Supreme Court - when a leader echoes Andrew Jackson’s boast that “[the Court] has made its decision, now let them enforce it”. But the Trump administration briefly seemed to consider defying a Supreme Court order in the Kilmar Abrego Garcia case. In the end, they didn’t actually defy the order. And they were being subtle: less Jacksonian swagger, more special pleading about reasons why they thought the ruling didn’t mean what we thought it meant. But if they had actually defied the order - while still doing their best to maintain plausible deniability - would I have resorted to violence, or even felt in an abstract way that “it was time” for violence? I can’t imagine this would have felt convincing at the time.

Is violence justified when we get to FDR-level court packing threats? When we get to Orban? To Chavez? To Xi? To Putin? To Hitler? To Pol Pot? I think I land somewhere between Orban and Hitler, but I can’t say for sure, nor can I operationalize the distinction. And the last person to think about these questions in too much detail got a (mercifully polite) visit from the Secret Service, and even if we disagree with him it’s poor practice to hold a debate where it’s impermissible to assert one side. I will be punting on the deep cosmic question here, at least publicly.

But I don’t think the answer can be “violence is permissible when you can classify someone with a loaded term so vague that people regularly use it to describe expedited restaurant permitting”.

So as a bare minimum, I think people should reject premise (2) above and stop talking about fascists as if it’s okay to kill them. I don’t think this implies support for fascism, any more than saying that you shouldn’t kill communists implies support for communism. They’re both evil ideologies which are bad and which we should work hard to keep out of America - but which don’t, in and of themselves, justify killing the host.

What about going beyond the minimum? If fascist denotatively means “far-right nationalist authoritarian corporatist”, but connotatively “person whom it is okay to kill”, and we personally try not to worsen the connotation but other people still have that association, then should we avoid using it at all? Or is it permissible to still use it for its denotative meaning?

Almost nobody uses fascism in a purely innocent denotative way; if they did, it would serve their purposes equally well to replace it with a synonym (like “far-right nationalist authoritarian corporatist”) or even a more specific subvariety (like “Francoist”). But it wouldn’t serve Gavin Newsom’s purpose to call Stephen Miller a far-right nationalist authoritarian corporatist, because Gavin Newsom specifically cares about the negative connotation of “fascist”, rather than its meaning. I trust he’s relying on some sort of weaker negative connotation, like “far-right nationalist etc who is a bad person”, rather than going all the way to “far-right nationalist etc who it’s acceptable to kill” - but it’s connotations all the way down. This isn’t necessarily bad - maybe you need some connotations to make a rhetorical case exciting enough to influence anyone besides a few political philosophers. But against this, most people who say “communist” would be happy enough to replace it with some applicable superset/subset/near-synonym, like Marxist, socialist, anticapitalist, far-leftist, Maoist, etc - and people seem to argue against communism just fine.

I think it’s probably bad practice to demand that reasonable people not use the word “fascist”. It risks giving unreasonable people a heckler’s veto over every useful term - if some moron says it’s okay to kill environmentalists, we can’t ban the term “environmentalist”, and we certainly can’t let other people back us into banning the term “environmentalist” when it’s convenient for them just because they can find one violent loon. It also risks giving too much quarter to the dangerous and wrongheaded “stochastic terrorism” framing, which places the blame for violence on anyone who criticized the victim. This not only chills useful speech - it’s important to protect the right to accuse people of being very bad, since people are often in fact very bad - but gives Power a big spiky club it can use one-sidedly to destroy anyone who criticizes it as soon as there’s a sympathetic case of violence.

Still, as an entirely supererogatory matter, I personally won’t be using this word when I can avoid it.

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政治暴力 法西斯 言论自由 政治术语 美国政治 Political Violence Fascism Freedom of Speech Political Terminology US Politics
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