New Yorker 10月09日 18:28
候选市长马姆达尼的政治主张与个人经历
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文章探讨了纽约市长候选人马姆达尼的“公共卓越”竞选理念,该理念主张在保障生活质量的同时不牺牲社会主义原则。他试图将对警察的疑虑转化为人力资源问题,并提出成立社区安全部门以分担警察的非核心职责。文章也提及了马姆达尼的个人成长经历,包括其作为知名导演米拉·奈尔之子的背景,以及在乌干达和纽约的童年。此外,文章还分析了外界对其领导能力,特别是管理纽约这座大都市的质疑,并回顾了历史上“不可治理”的纽约市以及理想主义市长面临的挑战。最后,文章探讨了马姆达尼在警务和公共安全问题上的立场,如处理无家可归者和精神疾病患者,并指出他虽有调整但核心原则不变。

💡 **“公共卓越”理念与警务改革设想**: 马姆达尼的核心竞选理念“公共卓越”强调社会主义者在改善生活质量方面无需妥协。他试图将对警察的负面看法转化为人力资源问题,认为当前警员常需处理超出其专业范围的事务,如应对无家可归者和精神疾病患者。为解决此问题,他提议成立“社区安全部门”,尽管具体细节尚待明确。

🌍 **多元文化背景与个人成长**: 马姆达尼出生于乌干达,其母亲是著名导演米拉·奈尔。他在乌干达和纽约的童年经历塑造了他的多元视角。文章详细描述了他早年在乌干达的成长环境,以及搬到纽约后接受的教育和融入当地生活的经历,包括他在布朗克斯科学高中时期受到的启发,以及一次在乌干达学校被要求区分种族的经历,这突显了他身份认同的复杂性。

⚖️ **对执政能力的质疑与历史视角**: 鉴于纽约市庞大的预算、雇员规模和警察部门,许多人质疑马姆达尼的年龄和经验是否足以胜任市长一职。文章引用了历史学家对纽约“不可治理”的论调,并指出以往的理想主义市长大多以失败告终。一位市政府资深人士的评论也反映了市长职位决策的艰难性,往往需要在两个糟糕的选项中做出选择。

🛡️ **公共安全立场与原则坚守**: 尽管面临外界压力,马姆达尼并未完全排除其政府可能继续处理无家可归者营地清理或移除阻碍道路抗议者的可能性,尽管他同时强调其政府不会将和平抗议或贫困定为犯罪。在涉及精神疾病患者的强制拘留问题上,他表示这应是“最后的手段”,仅在“别无选择”时才考虑,这显示了他处理复杂社会问题时的谨慎态度,并重申其核心原则并未改变,但会从中学习和成长。

One of Mamdani’s more poetic campaign motifs is “public excellence”—the idea that socialists need not compromise on quality-of-life concerns. In the past few months, Mamdani has attempted to reframe his suspicion of police as a human-resources issue, an obstacle to excellence: rank-and-file cops are regularly asked to handle distressing situations outside their skill set, such as dealing with the homeless and the mentally ill. He hopes to take those tasks off their hands by creating a Department of Community Safety, though, by his own admission, some of the details are “still to be determined.” At the prompting of a Times interviewer, in September, Mamdani half-apologized for his old tweets about the N.Y.P.D., but he rejects the notion that his views have evolved. “The principles remain the same,” he told me. “There are also lessons that you learn along the way.”

No small number of Mamdani’s detractors wonder if someone of his age and experience will be capable of running the biggest city in the country. New York has a hundred-and-sixteen-billion-dollar budget, three hundred thousand employees, and a police department larger than the Belgian Army. For more than a century, people have wondered if the city is ungovernable; with the exception of Fiorello La Guardia, who had New Deal money raining down on him, every idealistic leader who has been elected mayor has left City Hall in some way battered by it. “The good mayor turns out to be weak or foolish or ‘not so good’ . . . or the people become disgusted,” the muckraker Lincoln Steffens wrote in 1903. A City Hall veteran recently told me, “You’re constantly making bad decisions that you know are bad decisions. You’re presented with two bad options, and you’ve got to pick one, and that’s your day.”

If Mamdani is elected, the N.Y.P.D. may well continue to sweep up homeless encampments and forcibly remove protesters who block bridges or roads; he hasn’t yet ruled these things out. (“His administration will not seek to criminalize peaceful protest or poverty,” a Mamdani aide said.) At a recent forum on public safety sponsored by the policy journal Vital City, he was asked about police involuntarily detaining the mentally ill. “It is a last resort,” Mamdani said. “It is something that—if nothing else can work, then it’s there.”

Mamdani was born in Kampala, Uganda, in 1991. This was the same year that his mother, the filmmaker Mira Nair, released “Mississippi Masala,” about a romance between a spunky Indian Ugandan exile (Sarita Choudhury) and a straitlaced Black carpet cleaner (Denzel Washington) in small-town Mississippi. While scouting for a location to set the scenes of her protagonist’s childhood in Uganda, Nair found an airy hilltop property in Kampala, overlooking Lake Victoria. The home appeared in the movie, and Nair and her husband, Mahmood Mamdani, bought it. Zohran spent his first five years there, playing in the lush gardens under jacaranda trees. In a Profile of Nair from 2002, John Lahr wrote that the director’s “talkative doe-eyed son” was known by “dozens of coinages, including Z, Zoru, Fadoose, and Nonstop Mamdani.” (Mamdani’s staff today still call him Z, though recently some have started, winkingly, to address him as Sir.)

Nair met Mahmood while she was researching “Mississippi Masala.” The daughter of a stern, high-ranking Indian state official, she studied at Harvard, and by her thirties had garnered attention for films that examined life on the margins of Indian society: among cabaret dancers, street children, visiting emigrants. Mahmood was born in Bombay in 1946 and grew up in Uganda, part of the Indian diaspora that emerged in East Africa during the British colonial period. In 1962, the year Uganda became independent, Mahmood was awarded one of twenty-three scholarships to study in America which were offered to the new country’s brightest students. (Barack Obama’s father had come to study in the U.S., three years earlier, under a similar program for Kenyan students.) He returned home after his studies abroad, and, like the protagonist Nair later imagined for “Mississippi Masala,” was exiled in Idi Amin’s 1972 expulsion of some sixty thousand Asians from the country. The event became a focus of Mahmood’s writing on the pains of decolonization; for Nair, it became the backdrop for a love story. “He’s some kind of lefty,” Nair told her collaborator, Sooni Taraporevala, the day they planned to meet Mahmood for an interview.

In 1996, Mahmood published his breakthrough work, “Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism,” which described the persistence of colonial structures in independent African nations. He dedicated it to Nair and to Zohran, who, he wrote, “daily takes us on the trail that is his discovery of life.” Three years after the book was published, Columbia offered Mahmood a tenured professorship. The family moved to New York, into a faculty apartment in Morningside Heights, where they often had Edward and Mariam Said and Rashid and Mona Khalidi over for dinner. “For Zohran, they were ‘uncles’ and ‘aunties,’ ” Mahmood told me in an e-mail.

During the fall of 1999, Mamdani’s parents enrolled him at the Bank Street School for Children, a private school. The first year, he felt singled out—“being told again and again that I was very articulate with my English,” Mamdani recalled. Eventually, though, he settled into a typical Upper West Side childhood: Absolute Bagels, soccer in Riverside Park, listening to Jay-Z and Eiffel 65 on his Walkman on the way to school. In 2004, Mahmood took a sabbatical, and the family returned to Kampala for a year. One day, Mahmood went to Zohran’s school, to see how his son was adjusting. “He is doing well except that I do not always understand him,” Zohran’s teacher told him. On orders from the headmaster, the teacher had asked all the Indian students to raise their hands. Zohran had kept his down, and, when prodded, he’d protested, “I am not Indian! I am Ugandan!”

Mahmood Mamdani, Mira Nair, and Zohran in Kampala, Uganda, in 1991.Photograph courtesy Mira Nair

On a Saturday morning this summer, I met Mamdani outside the Bronx High School of Science, his alma mater, to walk around with one of his favorite old teachers, Marc Kagan, who happens to be the brother of Elena Kagan, the Supreme Court Justice. Kagan, the author of “Take Back the Power”—a firsthand account of his years as a radical organizer in the city’s transit union—taught social studies at Bronx Science for ten years. He inspired fervent admiration in his students, some of whom (Mamdani included) called themselves Kaganites. In his classes, Kagan talked about how race, gender, and class had shaped world events. “We got away from the great-man theory of history,” Kagan, a bespectacled, gray-bearded guy in his late sixties, said as we crossed the school’s sunken courtyard. Mamdani caught my eye and mugged. “There’s just one,” he said, nodding toward Kagan.

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Zohran Mamdani New York City Mayor public safety policing socialism Mira Nair Uganda governance campaign Mamdani New York public excellence community safety
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